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Dostoyevsky: How To Crush A Soul? And How To Find Fulfilling Work?

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Excerpt:“If one wanted to crush and destroy a man entirely, to mete out to him the most terrible punishment,” wrote Dostoevsky, “all one would have to do would be to make him do work that was completely and utterly devoid of usefulness and meaning.”

How to Find Fulfilling Work

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On the art-science of “allowing the various petals of our identity to fully unfold.”
“If one wanted to crush and destroy a man entirely, to mete out to him the most terrible punishment,” wrote Dostoevsky“all one would have to do would be to make him do work that was completely and utterly devoid of usefulness and meaning.” Indeed, the quest to avoid work andmake a living of doing what you love is a constant conundrum of modern life. In How to Find Fulfilling Work (public library) — the latest installment in The School of Life’s wonderful series reclaiming the traditional self-help genre as intelligent, non-self-helpy, yet immensely helpful guides to modern living, which previously gave us Philippa Perry’s How to Stay Sane and Alain de Botton’s How to Think More About Sex — philosopher Roman Krznaric (remember him?)explores the roots of this contemporary quandary and guides us to its fruitful resolution:
The desire for fulfilling work — a job that provides a deep sense of purpose, and reflects our values, passions and personality — is a modern invention. … For centuries, most inhabitants of the Western world were too busy struggling to meet their subsistence needs to worry about whether they had an exciting career that used their talents and nurtured their wellbeing. But today, the spread of material prosperity has freed our minds to expect much more from the adventure of life.
We have entered a new age of fulfillment, in which the great dream is to trade up from money to meaning.
Krznaric goes on to outline two key afflictions of the modern workplace — “a plague of job dissatisfaction” and “uncertainty about how to choose the right career” — and frames the problem:
Never have so many people felt so unfulfilled in their career roles, and been so unsure what to do about it. Most surveys in the West reveal that at least half the workforce are unhappy in their jobs. One cross-European study showed that 60 per cent of workers would choose a different career if they could start again. In the United States, job satisfaction is at its lowest level — 45 per cent — since record-keeping began over two decades ago.
Of course, Krznaric points out, there’s plenty of cynicism and skepticism to go around, with people questioning whether it’s even possible to find a job in which we thrive and feel complete. He offers an antidote to the default thinking:
There are two broad ways of thinking about these questions. The first is the ‘grin and bear it’ approach. This is the view that we should get our expectations under control and recognize that work, for the vast majority of humanity — including ourselves — is mostly drudgery and always will be. Forget the heady dream of fulfillment and remember Mark Twain’s maxim. “Work is a necessary evil to be avoided.” … The history is captured in the word itself. The Latin labormeans drudgery or toil, while the French travail derives from the tripalium, an ancient Roman instrument of torture made of three sticks. … The message of the ‘grin and bear it’ school of thought is that we need to accept the inevitable and put up with whatever job we can get, as long as it meets our financial needs and leaves us enough time to pursue our ‘real life’ outside office hours. The best way to protect ourselves from all the optimistic pundits pedaling fulfillment is to develop a hardy philosophy of acceptance, even resignation, and not set our hearts on finding a meaningful career.
I am more hopeful than this, and subscribe to a different approach, which is that it is possible to find work that is life-enhancing, that broadens our horizons and makes us feel more human.
[…]
This is a book for those who are looking for a job that is big enough for their spirit, something more than a ‘day job’ whose main function is to pay the bills.
'Never have so many people felt so unfulfilled in their career roles, and been so unsure what to do about it.'
As we turn the corner of the 50th anniversary of The Feminine Mystique, Krznaric reminds us of the pivotal role the emancipation of women played in the conception of modern work culture:
If the expansion of public education was the main event in the story of career choice in the nineteenth century, in the twentieth it was the growing number of women who entered the paid workforce. In the US in 1950 around 30 per cent of women had jobs, but by the end of the century that figure had more than doubled, a pattern which was repeated throughout the West. This change partly resulted from the struggle for the vote and the legitimacy gained from doing factory work in two World Wars. Perhaps more significant was the impact of the pill. Within just fifteen years of its invention in 1955, over twenty million women were using oral contraceptives, with more than ten million using the coil. By gaining more control over their own bodies, women now had greater scope to pursue their chosen professions without the interruption of unwanted pregnancy and childbearing. However, this victory for women’s liberation has been accompanied by severe dilemmas for both women and men as they attempt to find a balance between the demands of family life and their career ambitions.
Another culprit Krznaric points to in the stymying of our ability to find a calling is the industrial model of education:
The way that education can lock us into careers, or at least substantially direct the route we travel, would not be so problematic if we were excellent judges of our future interests and characters. But we are not. When you were 16, or even in your early twenties, how much did you know about what kind of career would stimulate your mind and offer a meaningful vocation? Did you even know the range of jobs that were out there? Most of us lack the experience of life — and of ourselves — to make a wise decision at that age, even with the help of well-meaning career advisers.
Krznaric considers the five keys to making a career meaningful — earning money, achieving status, making a difference, following our passions, and using our talents — but goes on to demonstrate that they aren’t all created equal. In particular, he echoes 1970s Zen pioneer Alan Watts and modern science in arguing that money alone is a poor motivator:
Schopenhauer may have been right that the desire for money is widespread, but he was wrong on the issue of equating money with happiness. Overwhelming evidence has emerged in the last two decades that the pursuit of wealth is an unlikely path to achieving personal wellbeing — the ancient Greek ideal of eudaimonia or ‘the good life.’ The lack of any clear positive relationship between rising income and rising happiness has become one of the most powerful findings in the modern social sciences. Once our income reaches an amount that covers our basic needs, further increases add little, if anything, to our levels of life satisfaction.
The second false prophet of fulfillment, as Y-Combinator Paul Graham has poignantly cautioned and Debbie Millman has poetically articulated, is prestige. Krznaric admonishes:
We can easily find ourselves pursuing a career that society considers prestigious, but which we are not intrinsically devoted to ourselves — one that does not fulfill us on a day-to-day basis.
Krznaric pits respect, which he defines as “being appreciated for what we personally bring to a job, and being valued for our individual contribution,” as the positive counterpart to prestige and status, arguing that “in our quest for fulfilling work, we should seek a job that offers not just good status prospects, but good respect prospects.”
Rather than hoping to create a harmonious union between the pursuit of money and values, we might have better luck trying to combine values with talents. This idea comes courtesy of Aristotle, who is attributed with saying, ‘Where the needs of the world and your talents cross, there lies your vocation.’
Krznaric quotes the French writer François-René de Chateaubriand, who wrote over a century ago:
A master in the art of living draws no sharp distinction between his work and his play; his labor and his leisure; his mind and his body; his education and his recreation. He hardly knows which is which. He simply pursues his vision of excellence through whatever he is doing, and leaves others to determine whether he is working or playing. To himself, he always appears to be doing both.
Leonardo's Vitruvian Man, arms stretched out wide, is the quintessential symbol of the Renaissance wide achiever.
And yet, Krznaric argues, a significant culprit in our vocational dissatisfaction is the fact that the Industrial Revolution ushered in a cult of specialization, leading us to believe that the best way to be successful is to become an expert in a narrow field. Like Buckminster Fuller, who famously admonished against specialization, Krznaric cautions that this cult robs us of an essential part of being human: the fluidity of character and our multiple selves:
Specialization may be all well very well if you happen to have skills particularly suited to these jobs, or if you are passionate about a niche area of work, and of course there is also the benefit of feeling pride in being considered an expert. But there is equally the danger of becoming dissatisfied by the repetition inherent in many specialist professions. … Moreover, our culture of specialization conflicts with something most of us intuitively recognize, but which career advisers are only beginning to understand: we each have multiple selves. … We have complex, multi-faceted experiences, interests, values and talents, which might mean that we could also find fulfillment as a web designer, or a community police officer, or running an organic cafe.
This is a potentially liberating idea with radical implications. It raises the possibility that we might discover career fulfillment by escaping the confines of specialization and cultivating ourselves as wide achievers … allowing the various petals of our identity to fully unfold.
Krznaric advocates for finding purpose as an active aspiration rather than a passive gift:
“Without work, all life goes rotten, but when work is soulless, life stifles and dies,” wrote Albert Camus. Finding work with a soul has become one of the great aspirations of our age. … We have to realize that a vocation is not something we find, it’s something we grow — and grow into.
It is common to think of a vocation as a career that you somehow feel you were “meant to do.” I prefer a different definition, one closer to the historical origins of the concept: a vocation is a career that not only gives you fulfillment — meaning, flow, freedom — but that also has a definitive goal or a clear purpose to strive for attached to it, which drives your life and motivates you to get up in the morning.
And yet fulfilling work doesn’t come from the path of least resistance. He cites from Viktor Frankl’s famous treatise on the meaning of life:
What man actually needs is not some tension-less state but rather the striving and struggling for some goal worthy of him.
Marie Curie didn't find her vocation. She grew it.
For a perfect example, Krznaric points to reconstructionist Marie Curie:
Curie was absolutely committed to her career. She lived an almost monastic lifestyle in her early years in Paris, surviving on nothing but buttered bread and tea for weeks at a time, which left her anemic and regularly fainting from hunger. She shunned her growing fame, had no interest in material comforts, preferring to live in a virtually unfurnished home: status and money mattered little to her. When a relative offered to buy her a wedding dress, she insisted that “if you are going to be kind enough to give me one, please let it be practical and dark so that I can put it on afterwards to go to the laboratory.” Before her death in 1934, aged 67, she summed up her philosophy of work: “Life is not easy for any of us,” she said. “But what of that? We must have perseverance and above all confidence in ourselves. We must believe that we are gifted for something, and that this thing, at whatever cost, must be attained.”
But while Curie’s career embodies the essential elements of meaning — she employed her intellectual talents in the direction of her passion for science, which she pursued with “Aristotelean sense of purpose” — Krznaric debunks theeureka! myth of genius and points out that Curie’s rise to vocational fulfillment was incremental, as she allowed her mind to remain open rather than closed in on her specialization, recognizing the usefulness of useless knowledge:
Marie Curie never had [a] miraculous moment of insight, when she knew that she must dedicate her working life to researching the properties of radioactive materials. What really occurred was that this goal quietly crept up on her during years of sustained scientific research. … Her obsession grew in stages, without any Tannoy announcement from the heavens that issued her a calling. That’s the way it typically happens: although people occasionally have those explosive epiphanies, more commonly a vocation crystallizes slowly, almost without us realizing it.
So there is no great mystery behind it all. If we want a job that is also a vocation, we should not passively wait around for it to appear out of thin air. Instead we should take action and endeavor to grow it like Marie curie. How? Simply by devoting ourselves to work that gives us deep fulfillment through meaning, flow and freedom. … Over time, a tangible and inspiring goal may quietly germinate, grow larger, and eventually flower into life.
A quick yet disproportionately enriching read, How to Find Fulfilling Work is excellent in its entirety. Complement it with this timelessly wonderful 1949 guide to avoiding work.
Excerpted from How to Find Fulfilling Work by Roman Krznaric. Copyright © 2012 by The School of Life. All rights reserved. No part of this excerpt may be reproduced or printed without permission in writing from the publisher. Reprinted by arrangement with Picador.

Staying Sane: The Stories We Tell Ourselves And How TV Unchains Our Lesser Angels

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Alan: We become what we perceive. Embroidering this theme, C.S. Lewis held that we grow through pretense - by "putting on" guises to which we eventually conform. I do not recall if Lewis discussed Paul's enjoinder to "put on Christ" but it is a case in point. When I contemplate the paralysis and incivility of American politics, I see a nation whose naysayers refuse to "put on hope," preferring instead to circle wagons, dig trenches and say "No!"

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"American Conservatives and Oppositional-Defiant Disorder"
"Republicans For Revolution," A Study In Anarchic Apocalypticism


How To Stay Sane: The Art of Revising Your Inner Storytelling

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“Our stories give shape to our inchoate, disparate, fleeting impressions of everyday life.”
“I pray to Jesus to preserve my sanity,” Jack Kerouac professed in discussing his writing routine. But those of us who fall on the more secular end of the spectrum might need a slightly more potent sanity-preservation tool than prayer. That’s precisely what writer and psychotherapist Philippa Perry offers in How To Stay Sane (public libraryUK), part of The School of Life’s wonderful series reclaiming the traditional self-help genre as intelligent, non-self-helpy, yet immensely helpful guides to modern living.
At the heart of Perry’s argument — in line with neurologist Oliver Sacks’s recent meditation on memory and how “narrative truth,” rather than “historical truth,” shapes our impression of the world — is the recognition that stories make us human and learning to reframe our interpretations of reality is key to our experience of life:
Our stories give shape to our inchoate, disparate, fleeting impressions of everyday life. They bring together the past and the future into the present to provide us with structures for working towards our goals. They give us a sense of identity and, most importantly, serve to integrate the feelings of our right brain with the language of our left.
[…]
We are primed to use stories. Part of our survival as a species depended upon listening to the stories of our tribal elders as they shared parables and passed down their experience and the wisdom of those who went before. As we get older it is our short-term memory that fades rather than our long-term memory. Perhaps we have evolved like this so that we are able to tell the younger generation about the stories and experiences that have formed us which may be important to subsequent generations if they are to thrive.
I worry, though, about what might happen to our minds if most of the stories we hear are about greed, war and atrocity.
Perry goes on to cite research indicating that people who watch television for more than four hours a day see themselves as far more likely to fall victim in a violent incident in the forthcoming week than their peers who watch less than two hours a day. Just like E. B. White advocated for the responsibility of the writer to “to lift people up, not lower them down,” so too is our responsibility as the writers of our own life-stories to avoid the well-documented negativity bias of modern media — because, as artist Austin Kleon wisely put it, “you are a mashup of what you let into your life.” Perry writes:
Be careful which stories you expose yourself to.
[…]
The meanings you find, and the stories you hear, will have an impact on how optimistic you are: it’s how we evolved. … If you do not know how to draw positive meaning from what happens in life, the neural pathways you need to appreciate good news will never fire up.
[…]
The trouble is, if we do not have a mind that is used to hearing good news, we do not have the neural pathways to process such news.
Yet despite the adaptive optimism bias of the human brain, Perry argues a positive outlook is a practice — and one that requires mastering the art of vulnerability and increasing our essential tolerance for uncertainty:
You may find that you have been telling yourself that practicing optimism is a risk, as though, somehow, a positive attitude will invite disaster and so if you practice optimism it may increase your feelings of vulnerability. The trick is to increase your tolerance for vulnerable feelings, rather than avoid them altogether.
[…]
Optimism does not mean continual happiness, glazed eyes and a fixed grin. When I talk about the desirability of optimism I do not mean that we should delude ourselves about reality. But practicing optimism does mean focusing more on the positive fall-out of an event than on the negative. … I am not advocating the kind of optimism that means you blow all your savings on a horse running at a hundred to one; I am talking about being optimistic enough to sow some seeds in the hope that some of them will germinate and grow into flowers.
Another key obstruction to our sanity is our chronic aversion to being wrong, entwined with our damaging fear of the unfamiliar. Perry cautions:
We all like to think we keep an open mind and can change our opinions in the light of new evidence, but most of us seem to be geared to making up our minds very quickly. Then we process further evidence not with an open mind but with a filter, only acknowledging the evidence that backs up our original impression. It is too easy for us to fall into the rap of believing that being right is more important than being open to what might be.
If we practice detachment from our thoughts we learn to observe them as though we are taking a bird’s eye view of our own thinking. When we do this, we might find that our thinking belongs to an older, and different, story to the one we are now living.
Perry concludes:
We need to look at the repetitions in the stories we tell ourselves [and] at the process of the stories rather than merely their surface content. Then we can begin to experiment with changing the filter through which we look at the world, start to edit the story and thus regain flexibility where we have been getting stuck.
Complement How To Stay Sane with radical psychoanalyst Wilhelm Reich’s 1948 list of the six rules for creative sanity.

New Yorker Cartoon: Knowing The Price Of Everything And The Value Of Nothing

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"As you go through life, take time to monetize the roses."

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New Yorker Cartoon: Raising Baby And The Meaning Of Life

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“I need to talk about my inner life.”

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Alan: I once read a book called "Cutting Through Spiritual Materialism."
Homo sapiens - especially the male of the species - prefer abstraction to diapers.

"Natural History is the antidote to piety."
Gregory Bateson


New Yorker Cartoon: Coming To Terms With Life After Apocalypse

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“It’s O.K. for now, but ultimately I’d like to work somewhere other than a post-apocalyptic world.”

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New Yorker Cartoon Caption Contest, September 8, 2014

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"I love the theory. I just don't think veganism's working for me."



Ian McEwan Novel Sympathetic To Jehovah's Witnesses' Opposition To Transfusion

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The Children Act
NPR Audio File

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Ian McEwan's novels tend to be so well-made that they ought to come with a literary equivalent of the Good Housekeeping Seal of Approval. You know you never have to worry about the writing; it's always first-rate. And the structure of a McEwan novel tends toward near-perfection too, with careful attention paid to the shape — and shapeliness — of the book. And you always feel the whole thing was put together by an unusually sharp intelligence. So when reading a novel by McEwan, you can probably take for granted that all of that will be in place.
What also frequently characterizes his books is the emphasis on a single, central event and its echoing consequences. That's true again now of The Children Act, a short, concise, strong novel in which a judge's ruling decides the fate of a teenage boy in ways she never intended or imagined.
But what's different here is that McEwan has, surprisingly, taken on a fairly familiar ripped-from-the headlines question: Who gets to decide the fate of a teenage boy with leukemia, whose family happens to be Jehovah's Witnesses, a religion that forbids the blood transfusion he desperately needs to stay alive?
But this being McEwan, the novel bears little resemblance to any newspaper article, Lifetime TV movie, or "issues" novel written by a more ordinary writer. Instead, though McEwan has described to the press parental decisions to let children die because of religious beliefs as "utterly perverse and inhumane"— what makes this book fine and masterful, what makes it a McEwan novel, is the human dimension revealed by the legal dilemma at hand.
Fiona Maye is an English judge of 59 whose husband comes home one evening to announce that because of the current state of near-sexlessness in their long marriage, he is considering having an affair, and he wants her blessing. Shocked and furious, she tells him to leave. This disturbance takes place on the very same night that Fiona has been presented with the Jehovah's Witness case. She decides that she needs to meet Adam, the critically ill 17-year-old refusing treatment, in order to rule on whether he is mature enough to understand all the ramifications of his momentous refusal.
I wasn't entirely comfortable with McEwan's long description of Fiona's childlessness, which seemed to run along familiar career-woman lines. But as usual he has done his legal, medical and ethics homework, and it was the only part of the book that didn't feel true.
When we meet the real, in-the-flesh Adam, as opposed to hearing about the paper description of him from the court briefs, the novel soars. "It was a long thin face, ghoulishly pale, but beautiful," McEwan writes, "with crescents of bruised purple fading delicately to white under the eyes ..." And a little later, "Then, as the door swung closed behind her with a pneumatic sigh, she gathered he was telling her how strange it was, he had known all along that she would visit him."
From the moment of this meeting, the novel seems guided by an elegant geometry. The pain of the faltering marriage is replaced with the tensions of the intensity between a middle-aged, distinguished female judge and a dying, sensitive boy. From this point on, the previously cool British novel, tightly constructed and insightfully written, enters the realm of passion and becomes memorable.
At 221 pages, this is one of McEwan's short novels, lacking the luxurious sprawl of Atonement,which many consider his masterpiece. Instead, it's a book that begins with the briskness of a legal brief written by a brilliant mind, and concludes with a gracefulness found in the work of few other writers. And in the end, it left me with a very particular reassuring feeling. I couldn't help but feel: Ian McEwan, I'd know you anywhere.
Meg Wolitzer is the author of The Interestings. Her YA novel, Belzhar, will be published in September.


Billy Collins' Dog Poems. TED Radio Hour

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More From This Episode

Part 3 of the TED Radio Hour episode Animals And Us.
About Billy Collins' TED Talk
What do our dogs think when they look at us? Poet Billy Collins imagines the inner life of a former canine companion.
About Billy Collins
Billy Collins is a two-term U.S. Poet Laureate who captures readers with his understated wit and profound insight. Collins lives in Somers, N.Y., and is an English professor at City University of New York, where he has taught for more than 40 years. He's the author of numerous collections of poetry, including Aimless Love and Horoscopes For The Dead.

California Blue Whale Population Bounces Back To Pre-Whaling Level

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A California blue whale, 65-feet-long, swims off the coast of Baja California (Gilpatrick/Lynn/NOAA)
Blue Whale
Wikipedia

The blue whale (Balaenoptera musculus) is a marine mammal belonging to the baleen whales (Mysticeti).[3] At 30 metres (98 ft)[4] in length and 170 tonnes (190 short tons)[5] or more in weight, it is the largest existing animal and the heaviest that ever existed.[6]

An adult human being can squirm through a blue whale's aorta.

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California blue whales bounce back from whaling

Rachel Feltman

Washington Post

Good news! According to a study published in the journal Marine Mammal Science, the endangered California blue whale population has probably returned to near pre-whaling levels. Bad news: They're the first set of blue whales to do so, and we still keep hitting them with ships.
The blue whale is a magnificent beast in the truest sense of the word. At close to 100 feet in length and weighing in at around 200 tons, they're the largest known animals on the planet. And they weigh two to three times as much as the heaviest known dinosaurs. A casual exhalation can send water shooting 30 feet high from out of a blue whale's blowhole, and their hearts weigh as much as a car. Despite that massive size, they can swim gracefully and (sort of) quickly: When agitated, they achieve speeds of more than 20 miles an hour.
But commercial whaling -- the hunting of whales for meat and oil -- hit worldwide populations hard. The hunting of blue whales for commercial purposes was banned by the International Whaling Commission in 1966, and since then only illegal whaling (and incidental deaths related to other fishing, shipping, and pollution) have threatened the species. We know that the blue whale population in the North Pacific (most often spotted in California, as the whales migrate there during the summer) has now reached about 2,200, the largest known on earth. Researchers previously assumed that the pre-whaling population must have been much higher than that, but the authors of Friday's paper disagree.
The researchers used historical data to estimate the number of whales caught from each population between 1905 and 1971. They now estimate, based on the relative number of whales that were caught in the North Pacific, that the current population is actually at 97 percent of the historical one.
If California has always had a relatively small blue whale population, it explains why the area's population growth has slowed in recent years: It may be almost back to normal. The researchers believe that our nasty habit of running into whales with our ships (at least 11 were struck along the west coast last year) isn't actually a major concern. They believe that the population can maintain its stability regardless. "It's a conservation success story," lead author and University of Washington doctoral student Cole Monnahan said in a statement.
Still, the researchers said, it would be really, really great if we could stop ramming into endangered whales with our ships. California may have reached its capacity for healthy and happy blue whales, but we don't want to backtrack. As for the rest of the world's blue whale populations, there's still a long way to go.

"Do Animals Have Morals?" Implications For Homo Sapiens. TED Radio Hour

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More From This Episode

Part 5 of the TED Radio Hour episode Animals And Us.
Frans de Waal explains his work regarding morality and animals.
LeahAndMark.com
About Frans de Waal's TED Talk
Empathy, cooperation and fairness seem like distinctly human traits. But biologist Frans de Waal explains why other animals might share those same qualities.
About Frans de Waal
Dr. Frans de Waal is a biologist and primatologist known for his work on the behavior and social intelligence of primates. His first book, Chimpanzee Politics, compared the schmoozing and scheming of chimps to that of human politicians. He is a professor of psychology at Emory University and director of the Living Links Center at the Yerkes National Primate Center.

Bush: "I Don't Know Where Bin Laden Is... I Really Don't Spend Much Time On Him."

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"I don't know where bin Laden is. I really just don't spend that much time on him, to be honest with you."
George W. Bush actually said this. 
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"George W. Bush Completely Deaf To Numerous Warnings Of Pending Al Qaeda Attack"

http://paxonbothhouses.blogspot.com/2012/09/george-w-bush-completely-deaf-to.html

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The GOP is as inept at managing the economy as it is at eliminating terrorists. 
"Republican Rule and Economic Catastrophe: A Lock-Step Relationship"
http://paxonbothhouses.blogspot.com/2012/05/republican-rule-and-economic.html

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This is for those with short or selective memories, say like The Washington Times, which reported: "Former President George W. Bush, who made getting bin Laden a top priority of his U.S.-led war on terrorism said in a statement: 'The fight against terror goes on, but tonight America has sent an unmistakable message: No matter how long it takes, justice will be done.'"
Bush: Who knows if he's hiding in some cave or not. We haven't heard from him in a long time. The idea of focusing on one person really indicates to me people don't understand the scope of the mission. Terror is bigger than one person. He's just a person who's been marginalized.... I don't know where he is. I really just don't spend that much time on him, to be honest with you.
What was Bush spending time on in March, 2002, and if fact just a month after the 9/11 attacks? Surely you remember:
October 18, 2001 – The CIA writes a report titled, Iraq: Nuclear-Related Procurement Efforts. It quotes many of the Italian report's claims, but adds that the report of a completed deal is not corroborated by any other sources. (Senate Intelligence Cmte., Iraq 36-37, July 2004).
February 5, 2002 – The CIA's Directorate of Operations – the clandestine branch that employed Valerie Wilson –  issues a second report including "verbatim text"of an agreement, supposedly signed July 5-6, 2000 for the sale of 500 tons of uranium yellowcake per year. (Senate Intelligence Cmte., Iraq 37, July 2004).
February 12, 2002 – The Defense Intelligence Agency writes a report concluding "Iraq is probably searching abroad for natural uranium to assist in its nuclear weapons program."Vice President Cheney reads this report and asks for the CIA's analysis. (Senate Intelligence Cmte., Iraq 38-39, July 2004)....
February 19, 2002 – Joseph Wilson meets with officials from CIA and the State Department. According to a State Department intelligence analyst's notes, the meeting was convened by Valerie Wilson. She later testifies that she left the meeting after introducing her husband. (Senate Intelligence Cmte., Iraq 40, July 2004).  
February 26, 2002 – Wilson arrives in Niger. He concludes, after a few days of interviews, that "it was highly unlikely that anything was going on."(Senate Intelligence Cmte., Iraq 42, July 2004).
March 5, 2002 –Wilson reports back to two CIA officers at his home. Valerie Wilson is present but does not participate. (Senate Intelligence Cmte., Iraq 43, July 2004).
March 8-9, 2002 – An intelligence report of Wilson 's trip is sent through routine channels, identifying Wilson only as "a contact with excellent access who does not have an established reporting record."(Senate Intelligence Cmte., Iraq 43-44, July 2004). The CIA grades Wilson's information as "good,"the middle of five possible grades. Cheney is not directly briefed about the report. (Senate Intelligence Cmte., Iraq 46, July 2004).
For the record, again, what came next:
January 28, 2003 – Bush's State of the Union Address includes this 16-word sentence: "The British government has learned that Saddam Hussein recently sought significant quantities of uranium from Africa."(Transcript of "State of the Union").
March 7, 2003 – The head of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) – the international body that monitors nuclear proliferation – tells the UN Security Council that, after a "thorough analysis"with "concurrence of outside experts,"that the Italian documents— "which formed the basis for the reports of recent uranium transactions between Iraq and Niger—are in fact not authentic."(Status of Nuclear Inspections in Iraq..., March 2003).
March 19, 2003 – President Bush announces the start of the Iraq war in a televised address, saying it is "to disarm Iraq , to free its people and to defend the world from grave danger."(Bush, "Addresses the Nation").
Surely we all remember what happened after that, since we're still in Iraq, and our troops there just experienced the deadliest month April since 2009.
Finally, a reminder for those, like Rep. Eric Cantor, giving former President Bush credit for the death of bin Laden, from Steve Benen.
In July 2006, we learned that the Bush administration closed its unit that had been hunting bin Laden.
In September 2006, Bush told Fred Barnes, one of his most sycophantic media allies, that an "emphasis on bin Laden doesn't fit with the administration's strategy for combating terrorism."
Many military and government personnel valiantly served during in Afghanistan and Iraq in the Bush and Obama administrations. Credit is due to all of them, but the credit for this one, for finally bringing bin Laden to justice cannot be attributed to the vigilance of Pres. George W. Bush.


Amid Republican Calls To "Get Tough" On ISIS, Let's Remember Who Took Osama Out

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Lest we forget... 
9/11 happened on Bush's "watch."

You remember Bush... the Republican who brought us The Great Recession,

in the tradition of Republican, Herbert Hoover, who brought us The Great Depression.

"George W. Bush: Completely Deaf To Numerous Warnings Of Pending Al Qaeda Attack"


After The Towers tumbled, Bush said:
"I Don't Know Where Bin Laden Is... I Really Don't Spend Much Time On Him."
http://paxonbothhouses.blogspot.com/2014/09/bush-i-dont-know-where-bin-laden-is-i.html

***


"Republican Rule and Economic Catastrophe: A Lock-Step Relationship"
http://paxonbothhouses.blogspot.com/2012/05/republican-rule-and-economic.html

***


Chaos In Middle East Unleashed By Bush-Cheney. The "Caliphate" Is Their Doing


Alan: Bush-Cheney's "War of Choice" in Iraq led to the destabilization of the entire region and the total collapse of political process in the territory now ruled by ISIS. 

Never has a more dimwitted decision been issued by The Oval Office.

The fact that The Iraq War was pimped by manipulated "intelligence" coupled with brazen lies -- and refusal to let U.N. Weapons Inspector Hans Blix complete his work -- renders Bush-Cheney's culpability even more reprehensible.


"For misleading the American people, and launching the most foolish war since Emperor Augustus in 9 B.C sent his legions into Germany and lost them, Bush deserves to be impeached and, once he has been removed from office, put on trial along with the rest of the president’s men. If convicted, they’ll have plenty of time to mull over their sins." 
Israeli war historian, Martin van Creveld, the only non-American whose writing is obligatory reading for the U.S. Military Officer Corps.

***

"Israeli war historian, Martin van Creveld's Withering Criticism Of G.W. Bush - And More"

Obama Got Osama (Bush Is On Record Disclaiming Interest In Bin Laden's Pursuit)

My Brother's Violent End: How To Know If A Loved One Is Going Nuts Or Just Changing

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My brother's violent end
A childhood photo of the author, right, with his older brother Shane

Shane's life ended in a horrible act I'll never understand. But growing up, we couldn't have been closer

It’s Super Tuesday, 2012. Before Mitt Romney separates himself from the rest of the Republican candidates, a 28-year-old man named Shane wakes up groggy. He is about 5’ 10” and 170 pounds. He has curly brown hair, green eyes, and is a graduate of Purdue University. He lives with two male acquaintances in Jacksonville, Florida. Two days earlier, he posted a G. K. Chesterton quote on his Facebook page: “But the man we see every day – the worker in Mr. Gradgrind’s factory, the little clerk in Mr. Gradgrind’s office – he is too mentally worried to believe in freedom. He is kept quiet with revolutionary literature. He is calmed and kept in his place by a constant succession of wild philosophies.”
On this day, like many days, Shane stays in bed past his alarm. He took NyQuil the night before, partially to loosen his congestion, but also to combat his insomnia. About the time he should be leaving for his job as a Spanish teacher at the Episcopal School, he hops in the shower. When he finally arrives at school, Shane is pulled from his classroom and fired. The school’s administration had warned him several times about his lateness and other infractions such as missing meetings and deadlines. Shane is given paperwork for a severance package, and security guards escort him to the school’s gate.
He walks to his teal 1996 Toyota Tercel, the first automatic transmission he has ever driven. He drives home. Then, he goes back to his first-floor bedroom and grabs his black guitar case. It’s time. By early afternoon, Shane is driving back to school, blaring Papa Roach:
Cut my life into pieces
I’ve reached my last resort,
Suffocation, no breathing
Don’t give a fuck if I cut my arms bleeding
Do you even care if I die bleeding
Would it be wrong, would it be right
If I took my life tonight
He parks at an insurance company, about a block from the school. From there, he returns to Headmaster Dale Regan’s office, slips in a back door, and interrupts a meeting between her and Christopher Bland, the school’s conditioning coach. “Can’t you see we’re in a meeting?” Regan asks. Shane unzips the case and reveals an AK-47, purchased a month earlier at a gun show. It is loaded with one hundred rounds. “No, no!” Bland yells and runs out for help. Shane fires several times, first at Regan. Blood splatters on nearby cabinets.If Shane has any plan for something bigger, apparently Regan’s bloody death is enough to deter him, because his next and only other victim is himself.
It’s the kind of tragedy you see on the evening news and you wonder: Who would do something like this? 
Several hours later, I sit in a dark Indianapolis parking garage by myself as a Jacksonville detective gives me the answer to that question.
My older brother, Shane.
*
Shane and I were both June babies, born less than a year apart. Irish twins and the first two of five children my parents popped out after marrying in their thirties. Shane was my earliest and most consistent life companion, and we were out to find great adventure. That meant anything from building elaborate communities out of Legos and Lincoln Logs, gathering our friends for epic football battles in the yard, spreading out and organizing thousands of baseball cards, playing each other in basement ping pong matches for hours, or exploring every woods and body of water within walking distance of our house.
From a young age, I had a desire to please him, and he took advantage of that desire. For example, we would wander into a marsh to catch frogs. “Chris, go get that one,” he would tell me. I would look out halfway across the mucky pond, and there it would be: slimy, green and as big as my fist. Begrudgingly, I would wade in, waist deep, snag the frog with my net, and put it in whatever bucket contraption we used to store our catch. Sometimes, we left with as many as a dozen, though we quickly forgot about them back at the house.
My relationship with Shane was symbiotic. If I longed for his approval, there was something he needed from me, too. As the oldest, he was “supposed” to be the first to experience going out on his own and “doing things.” But the first time my parents took him to t-ball practice, he cried hysterically until the coach convinced my mother to take him back home. So he quit the team. Until I joined a team and thrived, that is. Then, Shane came back and played. This was not an isolated incident. The first time Shane rode the school bus by himself, something very similar happened. For whatever reasons, for Shane, looking out at the world and the people in it was a terrifying proposition. But once I accomplished whatever task it was, then Shane knew the terrain was at least safe enough to try.
In high school, Shane quit playing on the basketball team after his freshman year. I played, though, and by his senior year, Shane wanted to play again. And he did. During one particularly rough practice, our coach scolded us for not communicating well. “If you’re not going to talk, then get off the floor!” he yelled. Everyone interpreted this as motivational coach-speak. Everyone except Shane, who walked off the court. Apparently, he had no intention of communicating better. There was this moment of awkward silence; no one knew what to do, even the coach. But I intercepted Shane’s route, shoved him back onto the court, and we all went on like nothing had happened.
It got to the point where people mistook me for being the oldest. In college, he even transferred to the school I attended for a year. I graduated first, and as soon as I did, then Shane got serious about finishing, too. We both spent several months back home with my parents, trying to figure out where we would go and who we would be in life. I left first, then Shane followed me to Jacksonville, where we both took our first full-time jobs. I refused to live with him, but that didn’t stop him from sleeping on my floor for three weeks until he found a place of his own. His tendency to let me clear a social and professional path and then follow behind was quite an annoyance to me by then. But I did love him, and I wanted him to do well, even as I resented how much he needed me.
Shane and I had developed a classic dependency: the perpetually-broken-and-in-need-of-fixing person finds and latches onto the perpetually-willing-to-fix-other-people person. These systems are always a bit of a façade, of course, which is to say that Shane was no less capable than I was, and I was no less broken than he was. But as flawed as our arrangement was, the roles we played genuinely reflected what we believed about ourselves. So there I would be, in his apartment, creating a filing system for all his important documents or moving him and his stuff for the umpteenth time.
Shane was always trying to definitively pronounce the difference between him and me. “You are an extrovert, and I am an introvert,” he declared one day, as if that were the answer to every question. I suspect he was trying to communicate something like what Susan Cain later wrote in her book, “Quiet: The Power of Introverts”: “If you’re an introvert, you also know that the bias against quiet can cause deep psychic pain.” That said, I was never completely comfortable with Shane’s diagnosis, and when I took my own personality tests I discovered why: I am an introvert-leaning ambivert, not an extravert. But Cain also distinguished between introversion, shyness and high sensitivity. Of the three traits, introversion is the only one that somewhat applies to me. Shane, on the other hand, almost certainly lived with all three.
Even so, he always had new plans to pay off his school loans and really get noticed: bartending, a rock band, acting, writing a book. But things got pretty bad during that stretch in Jacksonville. He would tell tales to anyone who would listen about all the sexual harassment and usury he experienced. He even speculated about a political conspiracy, involving the mayor, who was out to get him because Shane had put his signature on some sort of lawsuit against the city. After piecing a few of the things he said together, I even worried that Shane was driving without insurance. Between the wild stories and Shane missing a lot of work, my dad flew down for a few days to investigate.
By the end of my second year in Jacksonville, I didn’t exactly love my job and the pressure of taking care of Shane weighed on me. I decided to go back to Indiana. Shane couldn’t stand the idea of another transition, but he seemed desperate to keep me in Jacksonville, putting all kinds of local job postings in front of me. I wish I had listened better to him and at least acknowledged that parting would be hard, that I would miss him, too.
Angela, one of my two younger sisters, had been concerned about Shane ever since a year the two of them spent in Europe. They hadn’t been in the same place – Shane was in Spain, she was in England – but they did spend the holidays together, which were tumultuous enough to convince her that Shane “wasn’t rational.” Apparently, he hadn’t liked it when Angela suggested that he attend class and take his final exams. He came back to the United States from that year of studying abroad with all of one credit to show for it. It took me longer to see just how big of a problem Shane was dealing with because it was hard to determine which behaviors were just phases, just one person’s trial-and-error in this difficult world. My mind started to change after Angela gave me Kay Redfield Jamison’s book, “An Unquiet Mind: A Memoir of Moods and Madness.” By the middle of the book, I was making the same connections and asking the same questions as Angela was.
After I left Jacksonville, Shane and I still talked on the phone regularly. Those conversations frustrated me, as he was making less and less sense, and my appeals to logic were useless. We were having different conversations, talking over each other. He cut my parents off altogether, and for the Christmas of 2011, he refused to join our family on a vacation we took to Ecuador, where Angela served in the Peace Corps. I settled for briefly skyping with Shane on that trip and made a mental note to go down and see him for spring break. The murder-suicide happened five days before I was scheduled to arrive.
*
Shane did not leave any sort of note, at least of which I am aware. Since the day of his and Ms. Regan’s death, I have first of all needed to grieve the loss of my brother. But part of the way I “bargain” is to ask the many questions that haunt me. For starters, what if Regan had not been in her office? As a school administrator, surely she got out and around the school on a regular basis. Did Shane somehow know she would be there, or was he just guessing? It had never taken much to fluster Shane. If she hadn’t been in her office, would he have continued to look for her with his guitar case in hand? Might he have gone after other targets? Would he have simply realized the craziness of his plan and gotten out of there? Or maybe he would have gotten careless and someone would have seen him and realized he had a weapon and stopped the whole thing? Could my family have started our new lives with Shane fired from his job and under arrest instead of dead and a killer?
For better or worse, I have explored, and will probably continue to explore, as many possibilities for what led to Shane’s downfall as cross my mind: social awkwardness and a difficulty connecting with girls, his tendency to isolate, his asthmatic struggle to simply breathe, family dynamics, religious and political convictions, mental illness, masculine culture. Mostly, they are a lot of partial answers that don’t fully resolve, as I suppose is always the case with human-induced tragedy.
Others from Shane’s life have had just as much trouble reconciling his final act with the life he lived. “The Shane we knew was not the Shane that we’re hearing about today,” said Mandy Intravaia, a former housemate of his.
“He was always nice all the time,” one student told a reporter.
“We thought (Shane) was a very intelligent, very perceptive, very talented young man,” said John Winkler, who had met and interacted with Shane in a group called Concerned Taxpayers.
During his time in Jacksonville, Shane also sought out acting lessons with a woman named Joanna Horton. After Shane’s murder-suicide, she had this to say, to the Florida Times-Union: “He really had trouble being in his own skin. He was desperate. He tried everything. He just wanted to be happy.”
Weighing in from The New York Times, Lizette Alvarez wrote that “Shane’s work at Episcopal had become increasingly erratic. One minute he was conjugating the verb hablar – to speak – and the next he mused about Marxism and the working man. His class was viewed as easy; students had little homework, and when they turned it in, he did not correct it. He seemed preoccupied.”
Maybe the best clue I have come across in my quest to understand has been the work of the late Swiss psychiatrist Carl Jung. In a journal article called “Psychology and Religion,” Jung wrote that “The change of character brought about by the uprush of collective forces is amazing. A gentle and reasonable being can be transformed into a maniac or a savage beast. One is always inclined to lay the blame on external circumstances, but nothing could explode in us if it had not been there. As a matter of fact, we are constantly living on the edge of a volcano, and there is, so far as we know, no way of protecting ourselves from a possible outburst that will destroy everybody within reach.” Elsewhere, Jung called that force within us “the shadow.”
Indeed, I have begun facing bits and pieces of my own shadow – which is definitely there! – ever since Shane’s death. I suspect that it is for our own psychological protection that we tend to view people like Shane as a monster, as if we couldn’t possibly be capable of doing something so terrible and violent. But perhaps in another life, or in another season of life, it could have been you or me. Maybe we would have acted our dark emotions out in a different, but equally destructive way. For some of us, the only reason we don’t do something like what Shane did is because we spend our whole lives repressing our disappointments and pain. We want to believe, even if it is a façade, that those feelings don’t exist within us.
I don’t think denial and repression is a better option; in fact, I’m not so sure that Shane didn’t enact those same coping mechanisms for most of his life before it all exploded in one fit of rage. If we don’t bring our shadows, however scary they are, to the surface in healthy ways, they will surely force their way out on their own accord. The only question is how much of the destruction that follows will be directed at others and how much of it will be directed at ourselves. Unfortunately, in Shane’s case, like with so many other others throughout human history, it was both.
Chris Schumerth is an MFA candidate at the University of South Carolina. His writing has been published by The Florida Times-Union, the Miami Herald, Punchnel’s, The Frank Martin Review, and other places. You can follow him on Twitter @schumes22.


No More Silver Bullets: Is Humanity's Incredible Run Of Luck Coming To An End?

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"There are no silver bullets": Humanity's incredible run of luck might be coming to an end
Here’s the long view of human history, as Ruth DeFries sees it: An ingenious species, we keep finding new ways to “hijack nature” and better feed ourselves. Each newfound system for producing food is a game changer, allowing our numbers to grow, only to be halted in our upward trajectory by some new problem that we must innovate our way out of again. Europe adopts the potato, people live longer and have more children, then the Great Irish Famine hits. A million people die, but humanity perseveres, developing new potato varieties and agriculture practices that keep the blight from causing another disaster.
DeFries, a MacArthur fellow and chairwoman of the Department of Ecology, Evolution and Environmental Biology at Columbia University, calls those new innovations “pivots.” They lead to boom periods — “ratchets” — along with inevitable problems — “hatchets” — for which we require new pivots. Potato, growth, famine, new potatoes. Pivot, ratchet, hatchet, pivot. It’s pretty much an endless cycle from there. In each, the stakes grow, and in each, we have new obstacles to contend with. But throughout, DeFries writes, “millennium after millennium, humanity as a whole has muddled through.”
The stakes, as they currently stand, are greater than they’ve ever been before. The title of DeFries’ book, “The Big Ratchet,” refers to the second half of the 20th century, a time during which “our twists of nature sped up so fast that the trajectory of human civilization changed course.” It’s come with some pretty big hatchets, different in kind from what we’ve had to deal with before: We’re now facing problems on a planetary scale.  Will we pivot? Will human ingenuity save the day again? DeFries isn’t telling (because, she insists, we have no way of knowing). “Although history shows that ingenuity has brought humanity back from the brink time and again,” she writes, “this history does not ensure that the same will occur in the future.”
Salon spoke with DeFries about our current ratchet and hatches and about why it’s impossible to be entirely optimistic or pessimistic about our chances for pivoting yet again. This interview has been lightly edited for length and clarity.

I was hoping you could describe, first, the genesis of this “pivot, ratchet, hatchet” pattern. What made you decide to look at things this way?
We hear a lot about calamities and doomsday and catastrophes that are in store for us on one side, and on the other side we also hear about technology always coming to the rescue and solving the problem. What I wanted to look at was the complexity of the reality that is between those two extremes. What I wanted to do in the book was step back in time and remove ourselves from the current predictions of doomsday and think about how humanity has prospered in the past and how we have solved problems, and look at that through the long arc of human history to see what that tells us about the patterns and where we might be going in the future.
Do you feel that those two extremes — doomsday versus “everything will be fine” — are dominating the conversation right now?
Yes.
And that nobody’s really in the middle?
The reality, like most things, is much more complex than the simplistic way of looking at the world and that’s what I wanted to explore.
The way you describe this pattern throughout history is as a sort of never-ending cycle of problems and solutions. But plenty would argue that the problem we’re currently dealing with — climate change — is of a different magnitude, and that it ups the ante considerably. How do you take that into account? 
It is a problem of a different magnitude and it’s a very hard problem, probably one of the hardest problems civilization has faced. We can never know what happens in the future — that’s part of the complexity of the story. Time and time again, people have been wrong about predicting the future. If we look through this long arc, we can see where humanity has faced some really, really hard problems in the past. That’s not to say we can always overcome every problem.
In the past, some of those problems have taken a long process of trial and error to solve — I guess the other argument would be that we might not have enough time for that this time around.
Yeah. Those are very valid concerns. On the other side — and I don’t want to come across as being on the simplistic techno-fix side — we have a lot of knowledge that we didn’t have before. We have a lot of ways of getting knowledge. So on one hand, we have this very rapid time frame where we don’t have long to come up with solutions, but on the other hand we have knowledge that we didn’t have before.
Can you describe the main components of what you call the Big Ratchet? And do you see this as diverging at all from the pattern that held for most of human history?
The Big Ratchet refers to the last 50 years when there has been just an enormous explosion in the amount of food for people produced in the world: The food production outpaced even the very big growth in population. And that comes from all of these ratchets that occurred throughout history where we figured out how to produce more fertilizers, pesticides, irrigation, genetics. All of these technologies have been ratcheting up throughout human history and they all kind of collided in the last 50 years to produce such a massive amount of food.
That brings us to the hatchets: the problems that comes after a cycle of ratchets. They’re different than what we’ve encountered before. Many of the problems are a result of abundance rather than shortage. We have obesity epidemics spreading around the world as a result of the abundance. We have pollution, nitrogen runoff from fertilizer, all of the environmental issues that are related to too much rather than too little. Another thing that is different about where we are currently in history is that we’re now an urban species. In 2007, more than 50 percent of people in the world were living in urban areas. By the middle of the century, it’ll be something like 80 percent, so that also changes the way we rely on nature to feed civilization.
And these are all issues that the next pivots will need to address.
That’s the story. We have these problems and how can we devise the pivots? These would be, for instance, improving efficiency using fertilizer, or improving efficiency of water. They also relate to what we choose as our diets. Those pivots are starting to turn in a slow way. I think now we’re at that crest of the Big Ratchet and starting to get to that point of what are the pivots that we now need to focus on.
So would you say we’re on the verge of a big turning point in human history?
Possibly. I would never try to predict the future because so many people have been so wrong in the past.
I was surprised you didn’t write more about GMOs if only because they seem, if not bigger in scale than past pivots, then much more controversial. Is that the case, looking back through history?
Well, I didn’t write specifically a lot about the current situation with GMOs. But there is quite a bit in the book about how people have manipulated genetics going back. That was the first very large transition — going from being foragers to farmers — and that was all about manipulating genetics. The current practice is that same sort of manipulation of genetics but with a different twist, because now we can do that in a molecular way. I didn’t take a stand on GMOs, if that’s what you mean, because really the verdict is still out and the whole GMO discussion has become so mired in ideology rather than evidence.
The difference to me would be past innovations like DDT: It was only after it was developed and instituted that we recognized its downside. The debate over GMOs, on the other hand, is happening before that trial and error period.
Yes, exactly. I think one thing is clear: GMOs are not a silver bullet. That there are no silver bullets is the point that comes out of this story.
I’m interested in your thoughts about our modern ways of looking at the past. Right at the beginning of the book, you argue against taking an idealistic view of subsistence farming. Is it the case that once we pivot it’s just impossible to go back? Or are there still some of those elements we can recapture so that we’re not only going in the opposite direction, of what you call “more bulldozers”?
A lot of people, or some people, have a romantic view of living off the land, which is fine for some people, but that’s not really what’s going to feed civilization. So that romantic view, from my perspective, is unrealistic. But that said, there are some aspects of this experience that we’ve accumulated over a millennia about how to overcome problems of soil fertility and pests. For example, the whole issue of recycling nutrients. With industrial fertilizers now, we can synthesize nitrogen from the air and dig up phosphorus from the ground and we’ve lost that recycling that kept humanity going for thousands and thousands of years. So that’s definitely one area where there is scope for pivoting back to those old principles — but with a modern twist on it. Another one is how we manage pests without having to use too much fertilizer. This whole area of integrated pest management is another way of looking back, but using that to look forward.
Even though there are no silver bullets, this view of history comes off as very optimistic. After every hatchet we were able to find a way to pivot. Humanity kept growing and improving. Would you say you’re optimistic about the future?
I look at this story and I can see how someone could take an optimistic interpretation and a pessimistic interpretation. The pessimistic interpretation is, like we said, there are no silver bullets and we are always vulnerable to where our food is going to come from. We will always be experimenting with nature. If you take that as a view, you could pull a pessimistic story line. I prefer, and I believe, in the optimistic interpretation of this story: that of course there are never guarantees for the future, but that we have an incredible amount of ingenuity and an incredible amount of ability and knowledge to figure out what these next pivots are. But again, it’s open to interpretation.
One of my motivations in writing this book was to step back and take a more nuanced look at this optimism-pessimism question. I hope I’ve achieved that. I don’t know. There is a lot of doomsday out there. There’s a lot of pessimism. For me, I don’t know where that takes you. I think if we’re going to put our energy into something, we should be putting our energy into what are the pivots.
Lindsay Abrams
Lindsay Abrams is a staff writer at Salon, reporting on all things sustainable. Follow her on Twitter @readingirl, email labrams@salon.com.


We Still Lie About Slavery: The Truth About Forced Migration, Torture And Capitalism

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We still lie about slavery: Here's the truth about how the American economy and power were built on forced migration and torture
The Shores family, near Westerville, Neb., in 1887. Jerry Shores was one of a number of former slaves to settle in Custer County. We still lie about slavery: Here's the truth about how the American economy and power were built on forced migration and tortureAll these decades later, our history books are filled with myths and mistruths. It is time for a true reckoning.***
1937
A beautiful late April day, seventy-two years after slavery ended in the United States. Claude Anderson parks his car on the side of Holbrook Street in Danville. On the porch of number 513, he rearranges the notepads under his arm. Releasing his breath in a rush of decision, he steps up to the door of the handmade house and knocks.
Danville is on the western edge of the Virginia Piedmont. Back in 1865, it had been the last capital of the Confederacy. Or so Jefferson Davis had proclaimed on April 3, after he fled Richmond. Davis stayed a week, but then he had to keep running. The blue-coated soldiers of the Army of the Potomac were hot on his trail. When they got to Danville, they didn’t find the fugitive rebel. But they did discover hundreds of Union prisoners of war locked in the tobacco warehouses downtown. The bluecoats, rescuers and rescued, formed up and paraded through town. Pouring into the streets around them, dancing and singing, came thousands of African Americans. They had been prisoners for far longer.
In the decades after the jubilee year of 1865, Danville, like many other southern villages, had become a cotton factory town. Anderson, an African-American master’s student from Hampton University, would not have been able to work at the segregated mill. But the Works Progress Administration (WPA), a bureau of the federal government created by President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s New Deal, would hire him. To put people back to work after they had lost their jobs in the Great Depression, the WPA organized thousands of projects, hiring construction workers to build schools and artists to paint murals. And many writers and students were hired to interview older Americans—like Lorenzo Ivy, the man painfully shuffling across the pine board floor to answer Anderson’s knock.
Anderson had found Ivy’s name in the Hampton University archives, two hundred miles east of Danville. Back in 1850, when Lorenzo had been born in Danville, there was neither a university nor a city called Hampton—just an American fort named after a slaveholder president. Fortress Monroe stood on Old Point Comfort, a narrow triangle of land that divided the Chesapeake Bay from the James River. Long before the fort was built, in April 1607, the Susan Constant had sailed past the point with a boatload of English settlers. Anchoring a few miles upriver, they had founded Jamestown, the first permanent English- speaking settlement in North America. Twelve years later, the crews of two storm-damaged English privateers also passed, seeking shelter and a place to sell the twenty- odd enslaved Africans (captured from a Portuguese slaver) lying shackled in their holds.

After that first 1619 shipload, some 100,000 more enslaved Africans would sail upriver past Old Point Comfort. Lying in chains in the holds of slave ships, they could not see the land until they were brought up on deck to be sold. After the legal Atlantic slave trade to the United States ended in 1807, hundreds of thousands more enslaved people passed the point. Now they were going the other way, boarding ships at Richmond, the biggest eastern center of the internal slave trade, to go by sea to the Mississippi Valley.
By the time a dark night came in late May 1861, the moon had waxed and waned three thousand times over slavery in the South. To protect slavery, Virginia had just seceded from the United States, choosing a side at last after six months of indecision in the wake of South Carolina’s rude exit from the Union. Fortress Monroe, built to protect the James River from ocean- borne invaders, became the Union’s last toehold in eastern Virginia. Rebel troops entrenched themselves athwart the fort’s landward approaches. Local planters, including one Charles Mallory, detailed enslaved men to build berms to shelter the besiegers’ cannon. But late this night, Union sentries on the fort’s seaward side saw a small skiff emerging slowly from the darkness. Frank Baker and Townshend rowed with muffled oars. Sheppard Mallory held the tiller. They were setting themselves free.
A few days later, Charles Mallory showed up at the gates of the Union fort. He demanded that the commanding federal officer, Benjamin Butler, return his property. Butler, a politician from Massachusetts, was an incompetent battlefield commander, but a clever lawyer. He replied that if the men were Mallory’s property, and he was using them to wage war against the US government, then logically the men were therefore contraband of war.
Those first three “contrabands” struck a crack in slavery’s centuries-old wall. Over the next four years, hundreds of thousands more enslaved people widened the crack into a gaping breach by escaping to Union lines. Their movement weakened the Confederate war effort and made it easier for the United States and its president to avow mass emancipation as a tool of war. Eventually the Union Army began to welcome formerly enslaved men into its ranks, turning refugee camps into recruiting stations—and those African-American soldiers would make the difference between victory and defeat for the North, which by late 1863 was exhausted and uncertain.
After the war, Union officer Samuel Armstrong organized literacy programs that had sprung up in the refugee camp at Old Point Comfort to form Hampton Institute. In 1875, Lorenzo Ivy traveled down to study there, on the ground zero of African- American history. At Hampton, he acquired an education that enabled him to return to Danville as a trained schoolteacher. He educated generations of African-American children. He built the house on Holbrook Street with his own Hampton-trained hands, and there he sheltered his father, his brother, his sister-in-law, and his nieces and nephews. In April 1937, Ivy opened the door he’d made with hands and saw and plane, and it swung clear for Claude Anderson without rubbing the frame.
Anderson’s notepads, however, were accumulating evidence of two very different stories of the American past—halves that did not fit together neatly. And he was about to hear more. Somewhere in the midst of the notepads was a typed list of questions supplied by the WPA. Questions often reveal the desired answer. By the 1930s, most white Americans had been demanding for decades that they hear only a sanitized version of the past into which Lorenzo Ivy had been born. This might seem strange. In the middle of the nineteenth century, white Americans had gone to war with each other over the future of slavery in their country, and slavery had lost. Indeed, for a few years after 1865, many white northerners celebrated emancipation as one of their collective triumphs. Yet whites’ belief in the emancipation made permanent by the Thirteenth Amendment, much less in the race- neutral citizenship that the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments had written into the Constitution, was never that deep. Many northerners had only supported Benjamin Butler and Abraham Lincoln’s moves against slavery because they hated the arrogance of slaveholders like Charles Mallory. And after 1876, northern allies abandoned southern black voters.
Within half a century after Butler sent Charles Mallory away from Fortress Monroe empty-handed, the children of white Union and Confederate soldiers united against African-American political and civil equality. This compact of white supremacy enabled southern whites to impose Jim Crow segregation on public space, disfranchise African- American citizens by barring them from the polls, and use the lynch- mob noose to enforce black compliance. White Americans imposed increased white supremacy outside the South, too. In non- Confederate states, many restaurants wouldn’t serve black customers. Stores and factories refused to hire African Americans. Hundreds of midwestern communities forcibly evicted African-American residents and became “sundown towns” (“Don’t let the sun set on you in this town”). Most whites, meanwhile, believed that science proved that there were biologically distinct human races, and that Europeans were members of the superior one. Anglo- Americans even believed that they were distinct from and superior to the Jews from Russia, Italians, Greeks, Slavs, and others who flooded Ellis Island and changed the culture of northern urban centers.
By the early twentieth century, America’s first generation of professional historians were justifying the exclusions of Jim Crow and disfranchisement by telling a story about the nation’s past of slavery and civil war that seemed to confirm, for many white Americans, that white supremacy was just and necessary. Above all, the historians of a reunified white nation insisted that slavery was a premodern institution that was not committed to profit-seeking. In so doing, historians were to some extent only repeating pre–Civil War debates: abolitionists had depicted slavery not only as a psychopathic realm of whipping, rape, and family separation, but also as a flawed economic system that was inherently less efficient than the free- labor capitalism developing in the North. Proslavery writers disagreed about the psychopathy, but by the 1850s they agreed that enslavers were first and foremost not profit-seekers. For them, planters were caring masters who considered their slaves to be inferior family members. So although anti- and proslavery conclusions about slavery’s morality were different, their premises about slavery-as- a-business model matched. Both agreed that slavery was inherently unprofitable. It was an old, static system that belonged to an earlier time. Slave labor was inefficient to begin with, slave productivity did not increase to keep pace with industrialization, and enslavers did not act like modern profit- seeking businessmen. As a system, slavery had never adapted or changed to thrive in the new industrial economy—let alone to play a premier role as a driver of economic expansion—and had been little more than a drag on the explosive growth that had built the modern United States. In fact, during the Civil War, northerners were so convinced of these points that they believed that shifting from slave labor to free labor would dramatically increase cotton productivity.
It didn’t. But even though the data of declining productivity over the ensuing three score and ten years suggested that slavery might have been the most efficient way to produce the world’s most important crop, no one let empirical tests change their minds. Instead, historians of Woodrow Wilson’s generation imprinted the stamp of academic research on the idea that slavery was separate from the great economic and social transformations of the Western world during the nineteenth century. After all, it did not rely upon ever-more efficient machine labor. Its unprofitable economic structures supposedly produced antique social arrangements, and the industrializing, urbanizing world looked back toward them with contempt—or, increasingly, nostalgia. Many whites, now proclaiming that science proved that people of African descent were intellectually inferior and congenitally prone to criminal behavior, looked wistfully to a past when African Americans had been governed with whips and chains. Granted, slavery as an economic system was not modern, they said, and had neither changed to adapt to the modern economy nor contributed to economic expansion. But to an openly racist historical profession—and a white history- reading, history-thinking public obsessed with all kinds of race control—the white South’s desire to whitewash slavery in the past, and maintain segregation now and forever, served the purpose of validating control over supposedly premodern, semi-savage black people.
Such stories about slavery shaped the questions Claude Anderson was to ask in the 1930s, because you could find openly racist versions of it baked into the recipe of every American textbook. You could find it in popular novels, politicians’ speeches, plantation-nostalgia advertising, and even the first blockbuster American film: Birth of a Nation. As president, Woodrow Wilson—a southern-born history professor—called this paean to white supremacy “history written with lightning,” and screened it at the White House. Such ideas became soaked into the way America publicly depicted slavery. Even many of those who believed that they rejected overt racism depicted the era before emancipation as a plantation idyll of happy slaves and paternalist masters. Abolitionists were snakes in the garden, responsible for a Civil War in which hundreds of thousands of white people died. Maybe the end of slavery had to come for the South to achieve economic modernity, but it didn’t have to come that way, they said.
The way that Americans remember slavery has changed dramatically since then. In tandem with widespread desegregation of public spaces and the assertion of black cultural power in the years between World War II and the 1990s came a new understanding of the experience of slavery. No longer did academic historians describe slavery as a school in which patient masters and mistresses trained irresponsible savages for futures of perpetual servitude. Slavery’s denial of rights now prefigured Jim Crow, while enslaved people’s resistance predicted the collective self-assertion that developed into first the civil rights movement and later, Black Power.
But perhaps the changes were not so great as they seemed on the surface. The focus on showing African Americans as assertive rebels, for instance, implied an uncomfortable corollary. If one should be impressed by those who rebelled, because they resisted, one should not be proud of those who did not. And there were very few rebellions in the history of slavery in the United States. Some scholars tried to backfill against this quandary by arguing that all African Americans together created a culture of resistance, especially in slave quarters and other spaces outside of white observation. Yet the insistence that assertive resistance undermined enslavers’ power, and a focus on the development of an independent black culture, led some to believe that enslaved people actually managed to prevent whites from successfully exploiting their labor. This idea, in turn, created a quasi-symmetry with post–Civil War plantation memoirs that portrayed gentle masters, who maintained slavery as a nonprofit endeavor aimed at civilizing Africans.
Thus, even after historians of the civil rights, Black Power, and multicultural eras rewrote segregationists’ stories about gentlemen and belles and grateful darkies, historians were still telling the half that has ever been told. For some fundamental assumptions about the history of slavery and the history of the United States remain strangely unchanged. The first major assumption is that, as an economic system—a way of producing and trading commodities—American slavery was fundamentally different from the rest of the modern economy and separate from it. Stories about industrialization emphasize white immigrants and clever inventors, but they leave out cotton fields and slave labor. This perspective implies not only that slavery didn’t change, but that slavery and enslaved African Americans had little long-term influence on the rise of the United States during the nineteenth century, a period in which the nation went from being a minor European trading partner to becoming the world’s largest economy—one of the central stories of American history.
The second major assumption is that slavery in the United States was fundamentally in contradiction with the political and economic systems of the liberal republic, and that inevitably that contradiction would be resolved in favor of the free-labor North. Sooner or later, slavery would have ended by the operation of historical forces; thus, slavery is a story without suspense. And a story with a predetermined outcome isn’t a story at all.
Third, the worst thing about slavery as an experience, one is told, was that it denied enslaved African Americans the liberal rights and liberal subjectivity of modern citizens. It did those things as a matter of course, and as injustice, that denial ranks with the greatest in modern history. But slavery also killed people, in large numbers. From those who survived, it stole everything. Yet the massive and cruel engineering required to rip a million people from their homes, brutally drive them to new, disease-ridden places, and make them live in terror and hunger as they continually built and rebuilt a commodity-generating empire—this vanished in the story of a slavery that was supposedly focused primarily not on producing profit but on maintaining its status as a quasi-feudal elite, or producing modern ideas about race in order to maintain white unity and elite power. And once the violence of slavery was minimized, another voice could whisper, saying that African Americans, both before and after emancipation, were denied the rights of citizens because they would not fight for them.
All these assumptions lead to still more implications, ones that shape attitudes, identities, and debates about policy. If slavery was outside of US history, for instance—if indeed it was a drag and not a rocket booster to American economic growth—then slavery was not implicated in US growth, success, power, and wealth. Therefore none of the massive quantities of wealth and treasure piled by that economic growth is owed to African Americans. Ideas about slavery’s history determine the ways in which Americans hope to resolve the long contradiction between the claims of the United States to be a nation of freedom and opportunity, on the one hand, and, on the other, the unfreedom, the unequal treatment, and the opportunity denied that for most of American history have been the reality faced by people of African descent. Surely, if the worst thing about slavery was that it denied African Americans the liberal rights of the citizen, one must merely offer them the title of citizen—even elect one of them president—to make amends. Then the issue will be put to rest forever.
Slavery’s story gets told in ways that reinforce all these assumptions. Textbooks segregate twenty-five decades of enslavement into one chapter, painting a static picture. Millions of people each year visit plantation homes where guides blather on about furniture and silverware. As sites, such homes hide the real purpose of these places, which was to make African Americans toil under the hot sun for the profit of the rest of the world. All this is the “symbolic annihilation” of enslaved people, as two scholars of those weird places put it.2 Meanwhile, at other points we tell slavery’s story by heaping praise on those who escaped it through flight or death in rebellion, leaving the listener to wonder if those who didn’t flee or die somehow “accepted” slavery. And everyone who teaches about slavery knows a little dirty secret that reveals historians’ collective failure: many African-American students struggle with a sense of shame that most of their ancestors could not escape the suffering they experienced.
The truth can set us free, if we can find the right questions. But back in the little house in Danville, Anderson was reading from a list of leading ones, designed by white officials—some well- meaning, some not so well-meaning. He surely felt how the gravity of the questions pulled him toward the planet of plantation nostalgia. “Did slaves mind being called ‘nigger’?” “What did slaves call master or mistress?” “Have you been happier in slavery or free?” “Was the mansion house pretty?” Escaping from chains is very difficult, however, so Anderson dutifully asked the prescribed questions and poised his pencil to take notes.
Ivy listened politely. He sat still. Then he began to speak: “My mother’s master was named William Tunstall. He was a mean man. There was only one good thing he did, and I don’t reckon he intended to do that. He sold our family to my father’s master George H. Gilman.”
Perhaps the wind blowing through the window changed as a cloud moved across the spring sun: “Old Tunstall caught the ‘cotton fever.’ There was a fever going round, leastways it was like a fever. Everyone was dying to get down south and grow cotton to sell. So old Tunstall separated families right and left. He took two of my aunts and left their husbands up here, and he separated altogether seven husbands and wives. One woman had twelve children. Yessir. Took ‘em all down south with him to Georgia and Alabama.”
Pervasive separations. Tears carving lines on faces. Lorenzo remembered his relief at dodging the worst, but he also remembered knowing that it was just a lucky break. Next time it could’ve been his mother. No white person was reliable, because money drove their decisions. No, this wasn’t the story the books told.
So Anderson moved to the next question. Did Ivy know if any slaves had been sold here? Now, perhaps, the room grew darker.
For more than a century, white people in the United States had been singling out slave traders as an exception: unscrupulous lower-class outsiders who pried apart paternalist bonds. Scapegoaters had a noble precedent. In his first draft of the Declaration of Independence, Thomas Jefferson tried to blame King George III for using the Atlantic slave trade to impose slavery on the colonies. In historians’ tellings, the 1808 abolition of the Atlantic trade brought stability to slavery, ringing in the “Old South,” as it has been called since before the Civil War. Of course, one might wonder how something that was brand new, created after revolution, and growing more rapidly than any other commodity-producing economy in history before then could be considered “old.” But never mind. Historians depicted slave trading after 1808 as irrelevant to what slavery was in the “Old South,” and to how America as a whole was shaped. America’s modernization was about entrepreneurs, creativity, invention, markets, movement, and change. Slavery was not about any of these things—not about slave trading, or moving people away from everyone they knew in order to make them make cotton. Therefore, modern America and slavery had nothing to do with each other.
But Ivy spilled out a rush of very different words. “They sold slaves here and everywhere. I’ve seen droves of Negroes brought in here on foot going South to be sold. Each one of them had an old tow sack on his back with everything he’s got in it. Over the hills they came in lines reaching as far as the eye can see. They walked in double lines chained together by twos. They walk ‘em here to the railroad and shipped ’em south like cattle.”
Then Lorenzo Ivy said this: “Truly, son, the half has never been told.”
To this, day, it still has not. For the other half is the story of how slavery changed and moved and grew over time: Lorenzo Ivy’s time, and that of his parents and grandparents. In the span of a single lifetime after the 1780s, the South grew from a narrow coastal strip of worn-out plantations to a subcontinental empire. Entrepreneurial enslavers moved more than 1 million enslaved people, by force, from the communities that survivors of the slave trade from Africa had built in the South and in the West to vast territories that were seized—also by force—from their Native American inhabitants. From 1783 at the end of the American Revolution to 1861, the number of slaves in the United States increased five times over, and all this expansion produced a powerful nation. For white enslavers were able to force enslaved African-American migrants to pick cotton faster and more efficiently than free people. Their practices rapidly transformed the southern states into the dominant force in the global cotton market, and cotton was the world’s most widely traded commodity at the time, as it was the key raw material during the first century of the industrial revolution. The returns from cotton monopoly powered the modernization of the rest of the American economy, and by the time of the Civil War, the United States had become the second nation to undergo large-scale industrialization. In fact, slavery’s expansion shaped every crucial aspect of the economy and politics of the new nation—not only increasing its power and size, but also, eventually, dividing US politics, differentiating regional identities and interests, and helping to make civil war possible.
The idea that the commodification and suffering and forced labor of African Americans is what made the United States powerful and rich is not an idea that people necessarily are happy to hear. Yet it is the truth. And that truth was the half of the story that survived mostly in the custodianship of those who survived slavery’s expansion—whether they had been taken over the hill, or left behind. Forced migration had shaped their lives, and also had shaped what they thought about their lives and the wider history in which they were enmeshed. Even as they struggled to stay alive in the midst of disruption, they created ways to talk about this half untold. But what survivors experienced, analyzed, and named was a slavery that didn’t fit the comfortable boxes into which other Americans have been trying to fit it ever since it ended.
I read Lorenzo Ivy’s words, and they left me uneasy. I sensed that the true narrative had been left out of history—not only American history in general, but even the history of slavery. I began to look actively for the other half of the story, the one about how slavery constantly grew, changed, and reshaped the modern world. Of how it was both modernizing and modern, and what that meant for the people who lived through its incredible expansion. Once I began to look, I discovered that the traces of the other half were everywhere. The debris of cotton fevers that infected white entrepreneurs and separated man and woman, parent and child, right and left, dusted every set of pre–Civil War letters, newspapers, and court documents. Most of all, the half not told ran like a layer of iridium left by a dinosaur- killing asteroid through every piece of testimony that ex- slaves, such as Lorenzo Ivy, left on the historical record: thousands of stanzas of an epic of forced separations, violence, and new kinds of labor.
For a long time I wasn’t sure how to tell the story of this muscular, dynamic process in a single book. The most difficult challenge was simply the fact that the expansion of slavery in many ways shaped the story of everything in the pre–Civil War United States. Enslavers’ surviving papers showed calculations of returns from slave sales and purchases as well as the costs of establishing new slave labor camps in the cotton states. Newspapers dripped with speculations in land and people and the commodities they produced; dramatic changes in how people made money and how much they made; and the dramatic violence that accompanied these practices. The accounts of northern merchants and bankers and factory owners showed that they invested in slavery, bought from and sold to slaveholders, and took slices of profit out of slavery’s expansion. Scholars and students talked about politics as a battle about states’ rights or republican principles, but viewed in a different light the fights can be seen as a struggle between regions about how the rewards of slavery’s expansion would be allocated and whether that expansion could continue.
The story seemed too big to fit into one framework. Even Ivy had no idea how to count the chained lines he saw going southwest toward the mountains on the horizon and the vast open spaces beyond. From the 1790s to the 1860s, enslavers moved 1 million people from the old slave states to the new. They went from making no cotton to speak of in 1790 to making almost 2 billion pounds of it in 1860. Stretching out beyond the slave South, the story encompassed not only Washington politicians and voters across the United States but also Connecticut factories, London banks, opium addicts in China, and consumers in East Africa. And could one book do Lorenzo Ivy’s insight justice? It would have to avoid the old platitudes, such as the easy temptation to tell the story as a collection of topics—here a chapter on slave resistance, there one on women and slavery, and so on. That kind of abstraction cuts the beating heart out of the story. For the half untold was a narrative, a process of movement and change and suspense. Things happened because of what had been done before them—and what people chose to do in response.
No, this had to be a story, and one couldn’t tell it solely from the perspective of powerful actors. True, politicians and planters and bankers shaped policies, the movement of people, and the growing and selling of cotton, and even remade the land itself. But when one takes Lorenzo Ivy’s words as a starting point, the whole history of the United States comes walking over the hill behind a line of people in chains. Changes that reshaped the entire world began on the auction block where enslaved migrants stood or in the frontier cotton fields where they toiled. Their individual drama was a struggle to survive. Their reward was to endure a brutal transition to new ways of labor that made them reinvent themselves every day. Enslaved people’s creativity enabled their survival, but, stolen from them in the form of ever- growing cotton productivity, their creativity also expanded the slaveholding South at an unprecedented rate. Enslaved African Americans built the modern United States, and indeed the entire modern world, in ways both obvious and hidden.
One day I found a metaphor that helped. It came from the great African-American author Ralph Ellison. You might know his novel Invisible Man. But in the 1950s, Ellison also produced incredible essays. In one of them he wrote, “On the moral level I propose we view the whole of American life as a drama enacted on the body of a Negro giant who, lying trussed up like Gulliver, forms the stage and the scene upon which and within which the action unfolds.”
The image fit the story that Ivy’s words raised above the watery surface of buried years. The only problem was that Ellison’s image implied a stationary giant. In the old myth, the stationary, quintessentially unchanging plantation was the site and the story of African-American life from the seventeenth century to the twentieth. But Lorenzo Ivy had described a world in motion. After the American Revolution—which seemed at the time to portend slavery’s imminent demise—a metastatic transformation and growth of slavery’s giant body had begun instead. From the exploitation, commodification, and torture of enslaved people’s bodies, enslavers and other free people gained new kinds of modern power. The sweat and blood of the growing system, a network of individuals and families and labor camps that grew bigger with each passing year, fueled massive economic change. Enslaved people, meanwhile, transported and tortured, had to find ways to survive, resist, or endure. And over time the question of their freedom or bondage came to occupy the center of US politics.
Excerpted from “The Half Has Never Been Told: Slavery and the Making of American Capitalism” by Edward E. Baptist. Published by Basic Books, a member of the Perseus Books Group. Copyright 2014 by Edward E. Baptist. Reprinted with permission of the publisher. All rights reserved.

Saving The Planet: Is Civil Disobedience Our Last, Best Hope?

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The rebellion to save planet Earth: Why civil disobedience could be our last, best hope

The rebellion to save planet Earth: Why civil disobedience could be our last, best hope

Traditional methods for fighting global warming have proven fruitless. It's time for the people to take a stand

The politics of climate change are shifting. After decades of halfhearted government efforts to stop global warming, and the failure of the “Big Green” NGOs to do much of anything about it, new voices — and new strategies — have taken the lead in the war against fossil fuels.
Jeremy Brecher, a freelance writer, historian, organizer and radio host based in Connecticut, has documented the environmental movement’s turn toward direct action and grass-roots activism. A scholar of American workers’ movements and author of the acclaimed labor history “Strike!,” Brecher argues that it’s time for green activists to address the social and economic impacts of climate change and for unions to start taking global warming seriously.
His latest book, “Climate Insurgency: A Strategy Against Doom,” which will be released early next year by Paradigm Publishers, examines the structural causes of our climate conundrum and calls for a “global nonviolent constitutional insurgency” to force environmental action from below. Brecher spoke to Salon about his vision for dealing with global warming, the changing face of environmental activism, and why he thinks the People’s Climate March in New York on Sep. 21 is so important.
This interview has been edited for length and clarity.
First, let’s unpack the book’s key term: What is a “global nonviolent constitutional insurgency”?
Around the world, we’re familiar with insurgencies where an armed group resists the government and says that it does not legitimately have the authority to make law and govern some area or some group of people. And the characteristic of an insurgency is that it denies the legitimacy or legal right of those who claim to be the legitimate authorities to rule.
The concept of nonviolent insurgency is of a kind of social movement where the same basic claim is made: that those who claim the right to rule actually don’t have the right to rule, but where the means of challenging their power is not an armed insurgency but is rather what’s come to be called “people’s power,” or mass civil disobedience or civil resistance. And so a nonviolent insurgency may sound paradoxical, but in fact it is quite a common thing around the world and happens a lot and has happened a lot in the past.

Now, “constitutional” insurgency: That also sounds paradoxical. But when you look historically at certain social movements, they make a claim that the existing rulers are not legitimate because they are violating fundamental aspects of their own constitution  — that is, the constitution that they claim gives them legitimate rule. And that’s come to be known [by legal historian James Gray Pope and others as] a “constitutional insurgency.” It denies the legitimacy of those who claim to be legitimate rulers, but it does so in the name of the very constitutional principle that they claim gives them their authority.
Some notable examples would be Gandhi’s Great Salt March and in general the Gandhian insurgency in India, where they violated English rule and said that it was legitimate to do so because they were representing the underlying principles of English constitutional law. The civil rights movement did not call itself a constitutional insurgency but if you look, say, at the movement in the South, essentially the participants engaged in civil disobedience said that they were upholding the law, that they were representing the fundamental constitutional principles of equality and justice.
So that’s a long way around to saying that if the president of the United States authorizes the Keystone XL Pipeline to be built, he is claiming that he is acting under legitimate authority. I would say he’s not acting under legitimate authority, he’s violating a fundamental constitutional duty of the president of the United States and the United States government: to protect the common property of the people that’s represented by the atmosphere.
[Finally,] climate change is a “global” problem, obviously, and we know that the solutions have to be global. If some countries protect the climate and all the corporations run away to the countries that are not protecting the climate, we won’t have any climate protection. We’ll just have a shift in where the greenhouse gases that are destroying our planet come from. So ultimately it has to be a global solution.
In your book, you speak a lot about the “public trust doctrine” as motivating force for such a solution. What is the doctrine, and why do you think it’s important for the climate movement?
The public trust doctrine is a fundamental principle of American law. It’s explicit in many state constitutions, [although] not all of them. It’s a principle of constitutional law at the state level and at the federal level. What the public trust doctrine in its various forms says is that certain aspects of the world are so important, we all depend on them so much, and they are so inappropriate to be private property, that they are universal common property. They belong to all, no one has the right to exclude others from them, no one has the right to destroy them; as they say legally: to “waste” them or “lay waste” to them.” They are a common property of all people.
The other critical point about the public trust doctrine is that the governments are the trustees for the people, both the current populations and for posterity. What is a trust duty? That’s when one person or one institution holds property in the interest of another, and they have a responsibility to protect the interests of the other. In fact, they have what’s called a “fiduciary” duty, and that means that it is the highest level of duty, that they have a duty to pay no attention to their own personal interests and no attention to the interests of some third party that might like to have the use of those trust assets — they have to act entirely in the interests of the beneficiary owners of that trust.
This is actually a relatively new idea. It was developed primarily by Mary Christina Wood, a law professor at University of Oregon. But it has taken legs to a great extent primarily because of the credible threat posed by climate change and the failure of other government institutions to address it. All the attempts to apply those to climate change have so far not succeeded. So the idea of using the public trust doctrine was taken up as another possible route to deal with this overwhelmingly desperate problem for which there seems to be a dearth of ways — especially law-based ways — to deal with.
You’re a historian of labor and social movements, and your book looks at bridging the divide between environmentalists and workers’ rights campaigns. Why have those two strands of social movements been so distant from each other and why do you have hope that now that gap can be bridged? 
The first thing to be aware of is that there has been a massive effort by those who want to go on polluting to play labor and environmental groups off against each other.
Let’s take the example of the Keystone Pipeline. The Keystone Pipeline has pitted a number of unions against the people who want to prevent the pipeline and it’s been a very, very divisive issue. That situation started when the pipeline companies did something that they don’t normally do: they went to four unions and said, “Hey, we’ll give you a labor contract agreement giving you preference on the jobs for the pipeline and we’ll just agree to that.” They don’t normally agree to that, these are normally anti-union companies. But they knew that if they did that, then when people attacked the Keystone Pipeline it wouldn’t just be the companies standing to make money out of their greedy efforts to do things that are going to be incredibly harmful to the people and the environment, it’s workers who desperately need jobs and who are looked at as the backbone of the nation and people who have been the victims of the Great Recession — they are the ones who are put into the role of being the spokespeople and the advocates for the KXL pipeline.  Same story happens when there are moves to regulate coal-powered power plants. The companies deliberately create a situation where unions become the spokespeople for pollution, on the grounds that preventing pouring this crap into the atmosphere is going to lead to the loss of jobs. So that is a fundamental part of the story of why it has happened.
The second reason is that unfortunately our society allows workers who haven’t done anything wrong, who just happened to be producing something that we’ve decided is not good to produce, we allow them to be thrown on the scrap heap. We allow them to be the victims of the policies that we adopt for protection of society as a whole. This means that people who are threatened with, say, closing the coal-fired power plant, they’re likely to spend years without finding another job. Their communities are going to be devastated because a large part of their working population is going to be unable to find another job, and when they do it’s likely to be a job that pays half as much as before. Their families are devastated. Many people are forced to migrate and leave to find jobs elsewhere. And we tolerate that as a society. It’s an outrage. A central part of what’s needed to counter this is what is called a plan for a just transition. Something that provides for the livelihood and well-being for the people who lose their jobs when it’s necessary to, for example, shut down a coal-fired power plant. 
You provide a pretty comprehensive and broad view for what the constitutional climate insurgency could force governments to do to finally start toppling global warming. What are the most important steps we can take immediately?
The first thing that is right on our radar screens right now is the People’s Climate March in New York in September. I think the very name of it is significant because it says this is not something for governments. You know there was a saying, “War is too important to be left to the generals.” I think this is a message that “Climate change is too important to be left to the politicians and business leaders.” The people who are being affected by it, the people who are now or soon to be the victims of it, can’t leave this to anyone else to look after: We have to look after it. It think that is actually the spirit that will animate and will lead to the kind of climate insurgency that I talk about.
The other thing [about the march] is that it’s tremendously varied in who’s participating in it. People have an image of bird-watching, polar bear-fancying environmentalists. This is a very different kettle of folks. I’d say it’s environmentalists in that, if you are against having our world destroyed by climate change, if you’re against environmental degradation from having your food and your water poisoned by the crap that’s being put in it, you’re an environmentalist. In that sense, everyone in this march is an environmentalist. But in Connecticut where I live and I’ve been working on the march, we actually have a coalition that includes a whole slew of unions, it involves wide participation of religious organizations, community groups, as well as what are known as environmental organizations, and it’s really a people’s movement, not an environmental movement. And I know that similar things are happening in other places.
To me, that’s a great next step. I personally think that the growth of the use of direct action and nonviolent civil disobedience has been a very important development in the climate protection movement.  So that’s the next stage. As that develops, an important piece of this will be to begin to identify what we’re doing when we commence civil disobedience or even just when we have a demonstration or an action or whatever we do — that this is necessary because the government is not meeting its constitutional obligations and we are demanding that it do so, and as part of that, we’re recognizing they’re not, therefore we do not accept their legitimacy. If they want our allegiance, they have to provide the protection that we need and that they have an obligation to provide. So I see mass movements and civil disobedience very naturally flowing into the idea of a climate insurgency.

Finally! Wall Street Goes On Trial: Holding The 0.1% Responsible For The Shithole

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Finally, Wall Street gets put on trial: We can still hold the 0.1 percent responsible for tanking the economy
Jamie Dimon: Felonious financier who destroyed a significant chunk of your net worth and the net worth of everyone you know. He's smiling because he knows he got away with financial murder... and can do it again. Anytime.***"Politics and Economics: The 101 Courses You Wish You Had"http://paxonbothhouses.blogspot.com/2012/01/politics-and-economics-101-curricula.html***"Plutocracy Triumphant" A Compendium of Cartoonshttp://paxonbothhouses.blogspot.com/2014/05/plutocracy-triumphant.html*** "This Is Why They Hate You And Want You To Die." Wall Street fund manager, Josh Brown  http://paxonbothhouses.blogspot.com/2014/05/this-is-why-they-hate-you-and-want-you.html***

Finally, Wall Street gets put on trial: We can still hold the 0.1 percent responsible for tanking the economy

Too Big To Fail bailouts let them get away with it. The amazing result of California fraud trial could change that


The Tea Party regards Barack Obama as a kind of devil figure, but when it comes to hunting down the fraudsters responsible for the economic disaster of the last six years, his administration has stuck pretty close to the Tea Party script. The initial conservative reaction to the disaster, you will recall, was to blame the crisis on the people at the bottom, on minorities and proletarians lost in an orgy of financial misbehavior. Sure enough, when taking on ordinary people who got loans during the real-estate bubble, the president’s Department of Justice has shown admirable devotion to duty, filing hundreds of mortgage-fraud cases against small-timers.
But high-ranking financiers? Obama’s Department of Justice has thus far shown virtually no interest in holding leading bankers criminally accountable for what went on in the last decade. That is ruled out not only by the Too Big to Jail doctrine that top-ranking Obama officials have hinted at, but also by the same logic that inspires certain conservative thinkers—that financiers simply could not have committed fraud, since you would expect fraud to result in riches and instead so many banks went out of business.
“Benjamin Wagner, a U.S. Attorney who is actively prosecuting mortgage fraud cases in Sacramento, Calif., points out that banks lose money when a loan turns out to be fraudulent,” reported a now-famous 2010 story in the Huffington Post. “But convincing a jury that executives intended to make fraudulent loans, and thus should be held criminally responsible, may be too difficult of a hurdle for prosecutors. ‘It doesn’t make any sense to me that they would be deliberately defrauding themselves,’ Wagner said.”
So forget those thousands of hours of Congressional investigation and those thousands of pages of journalism on the crisis. It doesn’t make any sense to the man in charge. No jury would be convinced. Case closed.
As it happens, a trial just ended in Sacramento in which a jury was convinced that “executives intended to make fraudulent loans.” Here’s the thing, though: It wasn’t the government that made the case against the financiers; it was the defendants.
***
The case started as a routine mortgage-fraud prosecution, brought by none other than the aforementioned U.S. Attorney Benjamin Wagner. A group of eastern European immigrants had bought houses in California in 2006, in a real-estate market that was in the early stages of collapse. According to the indictment, filed in 2012, these people’s mortgage applications contained blank spots and wrong information; they were accused of getting the mortgages in order to sell the houses to one another at pumped-up prices in what is called a “straw buyer” scheme. Also, they defaulted on the loans.
However, members of the immigrants’ legal defense team—several of them appointed by the state—had read the newspapers over the years and were aware of the kinds of things that had gone on in real estate during the bubble. They knew, for example, that in the go-go days of the last decade, the mortgage origination industry routinely cranked out “stated income” loans—also known as “liar’s loans”—to people who were obviously unable to make the payments. The bankers back then almost never checked on whether the borrower was telling the truth about their income; they just wanted to make the loan. So the defense team in Sacramento came up with a novel strategy: How can the borrower have committed fraud on a mortgage application if the lender didn’t care whether their answers were truthful?
And lenders so didn’t care back in the bubble days. They invented liar’s loans and blanketed the country with them during the Oughts not because the poors talked them into doing it, or because the liberals in the Bush Administration forced them to do it—on the contrary, the government warned them against issuing these things, just as the government warns us against swallowing arsenic. The reason bankers did it was because liar’s loans were making bankers rich.
This is a difficult thing to understand—indeed, not understanding it is the stated reason Obama Administration officials have made no effort to send financiers to jail—so let us take this slowly. Executives at the mortgage origination companies got huge bonuses in those days for writing lots of loans. OK? They wanted to write more of them, and the only way to really crank out mortgages on a vast scale was by giving one to anyone who wanted one, regardless of their ability to pay, a feat that is only possible by means of the “liar’s loan.” So: Liar’s loans = rich bankers.
Now, it just so happens that liar’s loans are a lousy product, something that is virtually guaranteed to fail when prices stop rising, something that everyone knew at the time would fail when the bubble burst. That’s why you don’t see liar’s loans when banks are honest and regulators are on the job. Because the bank that makes liar’s loans—and the investor who buys a security based on liar’s loans—will eventually lose their money. That’s why they are banned today. So: Liar’s loans = dead banks. Liar’s loans = slow-acting arsenic. But on the other hand, the immediate bonuses that mortgage execs were collecting for making these poisonous loans were so sweet that they didn’t really care about the long-term effects. So while those awful loans they wrote eventually sank all the big subprime houses—and wrecked the global economy to boot, with Europe still in ruins, etc.—the bankers themselves lived to sail away into the sunset, their yachts laden with bullion.
Do you see what I’m saying? Executives do not always share the interests of the corporation that employs them. They weren’t “defrauding themselves,” as our federal protector laughs, they were defrauding the suckers that paid their bonuses, the shareholders that invested in them, the European pension funds that believed their excreta was Grade A Prime.
The name for this kind of scheme is a “control fraud”; it happens when the officers who control a firm use their power over the firm to enrich themselves while driving the firm itself to the boneyard. The country has seen control frauds many times before; indeed, the man who invented the term was a regulator of S&Ls during the S&L meltdown of the 1980s, and he saw the pattern so many times back then that he wrote a book about it. I am referring to my friend Bill Black, a professor of economics and law at the University of Missouri-Kansas City and also a Distinguished Scholar in Residence for Financial Regulation at the University of Minnesota’s School of Law. Control fraud, Black says, always follows the same recipe, with banks growing rapidly by making vast numbers of extremely risky loans, executives immediately getting rich with big bonuses, and the bank eventually collapsing under the weight of those malicious loans.
The last decade’s epidemic of crap financial instruments—liar’s loans, NINJA loans, interest-only ARMs and all the rest—fit the pattern perfectly. “It makes no sense for an honest banker to lend in this fashion,” Black told me. “If you lend in this fashion, you will suffer catastrophic losses. So honest banks don’t make loans without effective underwriting. But dishonest banks find, under the fraud recipe, that it optimizes their fraud scheme. To make not just a few bad loans, but to have a regular practice of making, day in and day out, enormous numbers of bad loans. . . . You’re mathematically guaranteed to make the officers rich and then they can walk away while the place collapses.”
*
Bill Black worked for many years as a bank regulator and a lawyer for the Federal government, but these days the Federal government has little interest in litigation against bankers. That’s why the mortgage-fraud case in Sacramento saw him appearing as an expert witness for the defense, on whose behalf he testified at great length about the role of control fraud in pumping the real-estate bubble.
The defense wanted the jury to hear Black’s theory because the essence of our government’s law-enforcement work on mortgage fraud is that banks were the victims. Those poor unfortunate financiers were tricked by little people like the “neighbor” that Rick Santelli once ranted against, trying to get an extra bathroom that he didn’t deserve.
What the defense team sought to prove was that this picture was completely upside-down—that the banks didn’t care if people lied on liar’s loans. According to the legal definition of fraud, the lie in question has to be “material,” meaning it has to influence the decision-makers. When a bank is honest, that is an easy thing to show. But it’s different if the decision-makers are themselves trying to crank out lousy (but profitable) loans. Bill Black again, on the control-fraud formula:
“Not only are they not distressed by crappy loans, they must make crappy loans. That’s the fraud recipe. . . . If the decision-makers are running a fraud in which they want this outcome, then they’re going to approve these loans. And they will create a system designed to approve loans that are 90 percent fraudulent.”
What would such a system look like? Well, indiscriminately handing out stated-income loans is part of it. A weak underwriting system is another element. In the case in Sacramento, the court heard testimony from an underwriter at one of the mortgage firms in question and learned that in certain cases she was actually forbidden to ask the borrower’s employer how much the borrower made—in other words, forbidden to check on the income that was stated in the stated-income loan. Here is how Bill Black reacted to that testimony, according to court transcripts:
Q. And do you have an opinion on the quality of the underwriting at GreenPoint [one of the lenders in the case] ?
A. Using the word “quality” in the sentence is an injustice to the word quality.
This was an utter sham in which underwriters were instructed not to underwrite. They were instructed, according to the testimony, that even if they called the employer, had them on the phone, that they were not permitted to ask about the income.
That’s insane.
No honest banker would ever do that.
A mortgage company advertising flier that had been plucked from the sloshing depths of the last decade’s Internet offered further evidence of the bankers’ regard for facts. It is illustrated with a crude computer rendering of the three wise monkeys, next to the words, “Hear No Income, Speak No Asset, See No Employment.” (“Don’t Disclose Your Income, Assets or Employment on this hot new flexible adjustable rate mortgage!”) Look, kids—monkeys! This arsenic must be extra tasty!
The obvious way for the federal prosecutors to head off this argument would have been to describe the lender’s business practices and show that its executives were not, in fact, simply churning out vast numbers of super-high-risk liar’s loans in order to ring some bonus bell. That, in truth, the bankers really cared that facts be represented accurately on loan applications. Unfortunately, the Federal agent who had investigated the case—a man with plenty of experience detecting mortgage fraud—told the court that he had not talked to executives at the firms in question and, indeed, had not interviewed any top mortgage executives, ever.
Q. People in control of a company. So the person who calls the shots at the very top of a company. How many of those have you interviewed in your career?
A. As relates to mortgages?
Q. As to mortgages, yeah.
A. I can’t recall any.
A while later, with a different defense attorney asking questions, here is what the Federal agent had to say about the subprime mortgage lenders:
Q. So you were not concerned at all about the people who were loaning the money and their conduct; is that right?
MR. COPPOLA [the Federal prosecutor]: Objection. Argumentative.
THE COURT: Overruled. You may answer.
THE WITNESS: No. I would consider — they’re the victims in this case. That’s how I consider them.
What kind of snarky remark can I append to that, reader? Sarcasm fails me.
*
This was the first criminal proceeding to examine the basic facts of the mortgage meltdown, and the transcript suggests that some of the people in the courtroom knew it was a historic occasion. After reciting a list of iffy lending practices that were common in the subprime market 10 years ago, the transcript tells us that Bill Black testified as follows:
But for every one of those crazy things that I just described, they’re not crazy for the controlling officers because all of them come with higher fees.
Q. They contribute to the bonuses?
A. They contribute to the phony income that produces the bonuses, but they produce massive increases in losses. That’s why all of the lenders in this case suffered massive losses. Not, you know: Oh, gosh, things got bad. They fell off the table. Disastrous. Billions of dollars of losses in the case of GreenPoint.
But they also pumped out at least 20 billion dollars of this toxic waste. And they are one of the major contributors to the failure of Bear Stearns, one of the largest investment banks in the world.
So you finally have a case in which you are actually looking at the causes of the financial crisis. It’s the first criminal case.
MR. COPPOLA [the Federal prosecutor]: Objection to the relevance of the last remark. Ask it be stricken.
THE COURT: Denied.
The defense put Wall Street’s practices on trial, and the defense won. The jury in Sacramento eventually acquitted all the defendants of all charges.
When I got Bill Black on the phone last week, he talked about the case as a watershed moment. “I came out there to say, ‘Look! there are lions roaming the campsite!’ They took down the global economy!,” he told me. “And jurors can understand this. You say that you can’t get a prosecution. We will come to your back yard and show you how to get a prosecution. Because we’ll do it as a defense. Even though we have no FBI agents, no subpoena authority. . . , we’ll put on a successful prosecution. And we’ll show to you that jurors can understand this.”
U.S. Attorney Benjamin Wagner had this to say, according to the Sacramento Bee: “We respect the criminal process, and accept the jury’s verdict in this case. It will not dissuade us from pressing forward in the many other mortgage fraud cases currently pending in this courthouse.”
Have no fear. The government is on the case. They’re going to track down people who lied on a loan application in the last decade and go after them. Unrelenting pursuit of the people at society’s bottom.
And bailouts for the victims in the C-suites, should some new round of unpleasantness arise.
Of course, the result in the Sacramento case might knock those beautiful plans off the track. Up till now it has been covered as a kind of man-bites-dog story, because “an acquittal in Sacramento federal court is rare,” as the Bee put it. But maybe, in the weeks to come, acquittals like this will become more common. Already, says John Balazs, a member of the defense team, he has been contacted by other attorneys arguing similar cases. Maybe lawyers all over the country will soon be reminding juries that a borrower’s alleged misstatements can’t have been “material” to a lender if the lender was a control fraud dealing in liar’s loans. Maybe one day the courts of this land will acknowledge what the public has known for years: That the fraud that wrecked the world actually happened in the offices of the shadow banks and the Wall Street investment firms.
It all depends, says Toni White, one of the defense attorneys in Sacramento, on “if the judge lets it in.”
“This is what happens when defendants get a fair trial,” she continues. “Where are the CEO’s? Why aren’t they here?”
It’s a good question. The government’s near-complete failure to prosecute the true villains of the Great Recession will surely go down as the Obama administration’s grandest disappointment. It has convinced a generation that the fix is always in, that the government patrols some neighborhoods with a finger on the trigger, showing no mercy ever, but that in other precincts a kinder, gentler law prevails. It gets worse when people realize that the officers who ran the subprime lenders before the disaster are back in the mortgage business today. Taken as a whole, the crisis and its aftermath have given the lie to the president’s oft-repeated faith in meritocracy. The people see what’s happened and they get it: there is no meritocracy without accountability. What we’ve got instead is a society dominated by thieves.
Thomas Frank
Thomas Frank is a Salon politics and culture columnist. His many books include "What's The Matter With Kansas,""Pity the Billionaire" and "One Market Under God." He is the founding editor of The Baffler magazine.

"Boyhood," An Absorbing Family Story Shot Over 12 Years

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Dear Fred,

I just returned from "Boyhood."

Wow. 

What a film! 

It is billed as "The life of a young man, Mason, from age 5 to age 18."

I disagree. 

It is a richly-textured account (nearly three hours long) of a complex extended family with modestly disproportionate emphasis on "the boy."

This is not the family we would have chosen as eager undergrads.

It is, in fact, "the family" most of us "got."

"Boyhood" was shot over 12 years and stars Patricia Arquette and Ethan Hawke, with several less well-known actors, all of them good. 

"Mom" and "Dad" -- and their originally 6 and 8 year old children -- visibly age as the story "matures" in their very bodies.

Mason

For what it's worth, "Boyhood" has risen to #49 on IMDb's "Top 250" - flanked by "Back to the Future" and "Alien."

Pax tecum

Alan





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